Beyond methodological nationalism
Understanding transnational history of the Malay World, Colonial cultural invasion, and identity constructs.
Introduction
The maritime transnational history of Malay World shows the processes and connections between people, that extend beyond national and regional boundaries. It is often obscured by the dominance of methodological nationalism which suggests that nation-state construct is the legitimate social and political configuration in the modern world (Andreas & Nina, 2002). However, historical, and contemporary processes are not contained by the boundaries of region and social constructs of nation-state. This paper intends to examine the transnational maritime networks of trade and long-distance social linkage in the Malay world to reconstitute notions of identity and belonging that are confined by modern day nation-state political construct.
It presents a comparative case study that focuses on the transnational history of movement of people in the context of Malay sea-farers’ settlement in Liverpool during 1940s-1960s and the transnational connection between native Australians and Indonesian seafarers before 1770. The essay argues that the nationalist social constructs and orientalist-colonialist interference in the native epistemological space, led to racialization and erasure of intertwined social histories. It concludes by affirming that, understanding history and the influence of transnational maritime networks of trade in the Malay World, may recover transnational connections and enable citizens to re-shape their own identity constructs that’s beyond methodological nationalism and politicized narratives.
Beyond methodological nationalism and colonial invention
Methodological nationalism is a cognitive-bias, unit of analysis and the legacy of nation-building, that shaped the manner we classify and discern our social and political sphere. It finds that, nation-state construct is the dominant form of political organization, and people are inherently only belonging to one nation-state. This idea of imagined community has profoundly shaped our contemporary society by producing citizens bounded by territories, foster fiction of ethnic and national homogeneity, making a sense of belonging and exclusion of others to the state. Most importantly it plays a significant role in making a coherent, singular, and bounded identity construct by categorizing people based on racial and native background. Methodological nationalist narratives ignore the highly diverse transnational connections of communities including indigenous and immigrant populations in a state (Sager, 2021).
Colonial invasion was not only about exercising superior military strength, economic coercion political and diplomatic shrewdness to exploit resources to motherland; it was also a cultural conquest to disempower and weaken the natives by limiting their understanding and ability to define their own world. Through slow and subtle systemic changes in governance, colonial powers were able to shift the innate nature and order of Malay World, they sterilized the customary laws, practices and interfered with the local thought system in the Malay World by replacing with Western ideas, modals, and constructs. Concepts and notions of identity, race, social stratification, and belonging are largely based on Orientalists-colonial social constructs and post-colonial or nationalist making; it can still be observed in the cultural history of former colonial states (Shamsul, 2001).
The nation-state idea selectively erases the legacy of colonial rule and is expressed in political narratives and national education to erase and undermine the diverse cultural histories of people to form a new political identity. Principles of it has been utilized as a pretext for states to carry out injustice acts such as denying political and social rights for minorities, immigrants, and indigenous people by subtly excluding or subordinating them as “others” or “foreign”. People are obligated to identify themselves by the state sanctioned categorization as the state dominates this idea in government policies, propaganda, media, sports, and institutions. However, these categories do not reflect racially mixed outcome of the interactions of people via maritime networks and the complexity behind the diverse cultural and geographical origins in the Malay World. Hence, this paper advances on the notion of methodological de-nationalism and cosmopolitanism to highlight the transnational connectivity and recognize the postcolonial racialized constructs in the context of Malaysia and Australia (Sharma, 2021).
Case Study 1: Malay sea-farers’ settlement in Liverpool during 1940s-1960s
The author will be using Bunnell’s work as a case study to show the broader sense of understanding and engagements within diaspora of people from Malay world that are dispersed around the globe through maritime trade networks. Tim Bunnell applied a transnational approach that goes beyond methodological nationalism to examine the constitutive geographies and space of Malay sea-farers’ identity constructs. By conducting life-history interviews with seafarers from modern day Singapore and Malaysia that settled in port cities in Britain back in 1940s-1960s, he shows the maritime links between Liverpool and Malay World along the mobile identification of migrants before, during and after colonialism.
Limits of transnational narratives in considering the Malay-Liverpool identity can be understood by observing the intraregional maritime trade networks within British colonies. During the pre-migration and colonial trade era, migrants native from the Dutch Malay World, with ancestorial roots from Sumatra, Java, Borneo and Sulawesi, Ambon and Bawean, moved into British imperial states. They were also identified as Malays, but this does not imply that they lose their own racial, cultural, and ethnic individual identity. Definition of Malay identity varied across colonial rule, time, and territories; the sense of belonging and identity has been changing for the Malay World migrants in Liverpool due to trans-nationalization of self-understandings amongst migrants during post-maritime period and shifting political geographies or new mappings of nation-state boundaries during decolonization period (Bunnell, 2016).
Almost all ex-seafarers settled in Liverpool once identified themselves as Singapore-Malays, but they were aware about the historical and spatial diversity in definitions of “Malay” identity. They acknowledge that the manner they carry out their Malay cultural norms and activities are contextually different to Malay people from different geographical region. Islamic imagery depicted in decors of interaction sites, exclusive Hari-Raya show televised in local channels, along details of halal foods preparation published in local newspapers shows the retainment of cultural and religious practices in Liverpool that links with homeland. The seafarers in Liverpool managed to sustain their Malay identity by sending post-cards to their family members in Malay World, celebrate Hari-Raya at clubhouse and celebrate Merdeka (Malaysian Independence) day by involving traditional outfits and native food. This shows that key elements of Malay identity and cultural traits was retained even outside of Malaysia, and Singapore. Nevertheless, this should not lead to assumption that all migrants share uniform attachment to homeland. (Bunnell, 2008).
Number 7 Jermyn Street, a specific community clubhouse, in Toxteth became a prominent site of interaction amongst Malay men, they shared emotional attachments, gifts, stories, memories and news about their homeland with other migrant seamen. This led to reconstructions of Malay cultural relations and shifting Malay migrant identities in Liverpool. This site of interaction enabled ex-seafarers to establish long-distance social connections with other localities of Malay World, even the contemporary nation-state of Malaysia and Singapore. Despite the decline of Liverpool’s maritime activities, mobilities connecting Malay World and Malay-Liverpool did not stop, students from Malaysia and Singapore came to Liverpool and continued social interactions with Malay seafarers. Political institutions such as UMNO branches in Malaysia even send donations to fund the Liverpool clubhouse and supported student exchange programs, this shows transnational connectivity that ensured the diasporic heritage and identity to continue and reach beyond places of settlement and homeland (Bunnell, 2010).
Moreover, during post-maritime era, advancements in technologies of transportation and communication forged new transnational attachments and connections amongst migrants in Liverpool. Wire-transfer technology enabled migrants to support their family back home by sending money and cheaper flights allowed migrants in Liverpool to head back to their family members. Media coverage of Malays in Liverpool had increased in Singapore and Malaysia, there were television programs and documentaries that helped recover transnational relations. Students’ understanding about identity and belonging were bounded by politically and socially constructed boundaries, unlike the “pakcik-pakcik” that settled in Malay-Liverpool. Their sense of identity, belonging and geographical perceptions of home exceeded ethnic labels, regional markers, and nation-state constructs. However, after learning about the changing political landscape due to decolonization from the students at clubhouse, the Malay-Liverpool migrant from Malay world region, either identified themselves as Singaporean or Malaysian This was against their imagining of the world, but it led to self-understanding and influenced re-construction of their senses of identity and relationship with Malay cultural norms (Bunnell, 2007).
The major difference between ex-seafarers in Liverpool and citizens of Malaysia and Singapore is that the notion of identity and belong is not bounded by nation-state construct. There are evidence showing that migrants from Tanjung Keling or Kampung Serkam in Malacca (now under federation of Malaysia), identify themselves more strongly with Singapore. This is because, during British colonialism, Malacca, Singapore, and Penang was governed together and classified as Strait Settlement; the Malay sea-farers’ who originated from this region have a different understanding on belonging and identity. The reconnection of Liverpool based Malay migrants with local Malay identity, shows how notions of identity and belonging need not be based on national or constitutive identity construct. The seafarers from Liverpool and their local wives and children did not necessarily convert or practice Islamic religion, only a few assimilated with the Malay culture however, when they returned “home”, they were welcomed as Malays and were socially accepted in the local of communities of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore (Bunnell, 2010).
This is not the case in our contemporary society, today, one must be a Muslim and practice the Islamic religious teaching to be considered and formally accepted as a proper Malay person. Nation-state political construct has major policy implications for migrants and minorities today in above mentioned states, it impacts their citizenship status, political, economic, and social rights along notions of identity and belonging to their perceived “homeland”. Modern-day boundaries and nation-state formation ignores non-national territorial identifications hence, it is important to acknowledge the transnational movement of people from Malay World and its impact on fluid, uncertain, dynamic, and multiple identity constructions. Descendants of Malay-Liverpool descendants might embody the local Malay identity (Bumiputera) and Malaysian citizenship but also maintain their transnational identity in some contexts.
Case Study 2: Transnational connection between aboriginal Australian and Indonesian seafarers
The author will be highlighting Ganter, Marshall, and Sally’s work to show the transnational connection between aboriginal Australians and traders from Malay world. Aboriginal people are ancestors of the native population in Australia while trepang traders are people from South Sulawesi who are classified as Macassan or Makassan. Macassan people include Indonesia traders such as ethnic Makassarese, Bugis, Bajau and Butonese people who were involved in trepang industry and sailed from port cities of Sulawesi to North Australia (Burton, John. 2007). This term is odd because no-one from Makassar will identify as Macassan, the traders were of diverse ethnicity nevertheless, it was made popular by scholars because trepang traders who sailed to Northern Australia were mainly based in Makassar port. Australian histories often note that the country’s history started with the arrival of Captain Cook in 1770 at Botany Bay and this has led to the “white Australia” perspective (Ganter, 2013, Clark, 2014).
Nonetheless, this historical description of the state is not accurate as Australia was not an isolated region before white or European settlement. Its settlement history begins with a long transnational connection at the northern region about mid-1600s or 1700s. Muslim Makkasan traders from Sulawesi, Indonesia archipelago, conducted trepang (sea-cucumber) trade with Aboriginal people in the Northern Australia coastline. This trading network extended from Australian region to China and led to the pearling industry. The Dutch East India Company (VOC) discovered Northern Australia around 1606 and found no trade connections, hence it has been thought that indigenous interactions and trade relations started after western settlement. However, carbon dating of historical artifacts shows that Yolngu people from Arnhem Land and Indonesia seafarers traded with each other more than hundreds of years before western power arrival. There are many debates on when did the Macassan people first arrive in Australia, as of now there only assumptions (Ganter,2006, 2012; Clark and May, 2013).
Makkasan traders sailed to Arnhem Land using traditional sailboats to harvest and trade trepang, turtle shell, beeswax, pearl shells, and iron wood; the finest quality products were exported to China. They associated themselves with aboriginals communities via trade partnership; also, introduce items from Sulawesi such as tobacco, rice, fabrics, and alcohol in Northern-Australia. Despite varying racial, ethnic, and historical origin, this annual exchange relations forged binding cultural, social, economic, and linguistic ties between Sulawesi and Yolgnu people. Today the aboriginal communities in North Australia and seafarers from Sulawesi are subject to nation-state constructs, they are constituted as citizens of Australia and Indonesia, respectively. However, their transnational cross-cultural interactions and historical resonance can still be observed today. There are many cultural and linguistic borrowings from Macassans that are still evidently present in the art works and languages of aboriginal Australian community (Clark and May, 2013; Schwerdtner, 2010)
Macassan traders intensively interacted with the Yolgnu people by building settlements, they married local women, raised families, and learned Aboriginal languages. As a result, there are about hundreds of shared words from Sulawesi in the in the local language of northern Australia. Many Aboriginal people had reasonable command of Makassar language, and the descendants from these inter-racial marriages can still be found in Marege, some even carry Macassan names. Also, traders brought back few local men with them to Makassar, some raised families, fathered children and did not return. Nevertheless, those who did returned shared their voyage experiences through rock painting, stories, carvings of tree barks and folk songs. Rock arts such as drawing of women in sarongs on caves near the trepang processing sites, depict the watercraft and material culture of Yolgnu community with Macassan traders (May, et al.2021).
Scholars have researched and stated the sea-faring knowledge of Macassan traders, influenced the current Aboriginal people’ sailing methods. Aboriginal people were once using “perahu” made from tree barks, after interacting with, the Macassan traders, they learned how to use “lepa-lepa” made from tree stem to move ashore and it is widely used today in aboriginal communities (Indonesia’s weekly news magazine. 2004,). This transnational connection formed multiple layers of understanding and attachments into local religious and cultural knowledge of Aboriginal Australians. Macassan dance rituals such as knife dance and folk songs such as hoisting the mast were also known and practiced by the elders of Aborigines. Many of their ancestors’ ties with Macassan traders can be seen in their Yolgnu burial rituals, its meanings have been reworked and modified over time, to blend Yolgnu beliefs and Macassan customs (Macknight, 2013).
The Yolgnu communities’ sacred arts of making Mukoy or Wuramu igure (wooden spirit figures) is said to be inspired after contact with Makassan traders. The aboriginals have observed the burial customs of Macassans in northern Australia or during their visits to Indonesia, it is a norm to recite prayers, dance and place the Wuramu igure on the graves of Makassans (Helen, 2018). Today, the wooden spirit figures found on Northern Australia shows a lot of resemblances and portrayal of Makassan burial customs (Berndt, & Berndt, 1949). Mcintosh notes that Yolngu people did not embrace Islam as a faith but incorporated Islamic elements from Macassan customs in their own Yolngu mythology, cosmology, and rituals. He found Islamic influence in aboriginal praying practices, as they call upon “Allah” when praying to the sunset (Mcintosh, 1996). These examples indicate that the transnational connectivity between Yolgnu and Makassans was not just economic in nature but was intimate and deep (Stephenson, 2007).
The Macassan trader settlements were not permanent and although it did lead to many misunderstanding due to cultural differences, it was not perceived as a threat to the Aboriginal communities’ autonomy or control over the region. However, the British settlements in the region was different, they wanted to remain permanently hence, it was perceived by the natives as a threat to their social order, access to resource materials, and control over land. The annual Makassan and northern Australian trading activities only lasted until 1907s because, the British colonial, government-imposed taxes and banned trepang fishing in Australian waters to evict Macassan fleets and claim trade opportunities with China. It was done in the name of protecting Aboriginal people from foreigners (Macassan) and their harmful influences. However, it appears that Anti-Asian sentiments were the main reason as the trading and the cultural exchange between Aboriginal people and Indonesians were much earlier than Britain (Schwerdtner, 2010).
Conclusion
The Malay settlement in Liverpool and Macassan settlement in Northern Australia show the transnational connectivity via trade in the Malay World, predating colonialism, and globalisation. Both case study shows how the “authority” or “power holders” in the region’s macro-politics, influenced the notion of identity and belonging of people in the Malay World. However, Malay World people were not passive recipients of imperial rule, they resisted racialized categorization by exercising their agency in different methods. During the post-colonial era, nation-state construct, a product of colonial knowledge was popularized, and states attempted to redefine the colonial constructed notions of identity and belonging (Andaya 2008; Milner 2009; Salleh, 2005). The colonial racialisation and post-colonial, nation state construct did not lead to elimination of prior forms of identity and belonging. Nonetheless, it emphasised the axis of insider and outsider along the idea of “pure” and “mixed”. This led to forced settlement, assimilation and marginalization of aboriginal people and minorities (Joel , 2006; Chou, 2020).
Methodological nationalism and racialised identity construct are consequences of colonialism, anti-colonial, and nationalist movement. The Malay World transnational history shows that people identified themselves differently before the emergence of Western colonial invasion. Racism, xenophobia, and resurgence of ethnic supremacy is rising and impacting the diversity of states such as Australia and Malaysia. Minorities and natives here, experience prejudice, hostility, and alienation due to Institutionalised racism, discriminatory practices, segregationist policies, and racially motivated assimilationist projects of state such as White Australia Policy and Bumiputra rights. This paper contends that, understanding the legacies of colonialism, transnational connectivity, and interaction between Aboriginal-Australian with Indonesian and Malay–Liverpool, recovers transnational relations and shifts our nation-state centred understanding of identity and belonging. It will provide different perspective and narrative that foster cooperative practices and collective actions in state, to address contemporary political issues. Finally, policymakers should go beyond methodological nationalism to tackle transnational political crisis such as international migration and climate change (Kelly, et al, 2017; Elias, et al, 2021).
